Category Archives: Op-ed

Brookings (Election ‘24): “Japan: America’s Indispensable Ally”

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“Regardless of the outcomes of the U.S. November election, a robust and politically stable partnership with Tokyo will be essential for both the next administration and Congress to develop and implement a successful Asia strategy—one that builds on and moves beyond past bipartisan efforts to secure U.S. overseas interests in a peaceful and stable region, ensures continued economic prosperity at home, and realizes a “free and open Indo-Pacific.”

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日経新聞: 日米関係の未来(下)「日本外交専門家を育成せよ」

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この悪循環が続けば、10～20年後にどうなっているのかは明白だ。にもかかわらず、こうした危機はあまり気づかれていないように思う。現代日本外交や日米関係研究をけん引してきたシニアリーダーたちは、今もワシントン、東海岸や西海岸の有名大学やシンクタンクで活躍しているため、次世代の人材が少ないことに目が向きにくいようだ。 　手遅れになる前にこの傾向を逆転させるには、今すぐ米国の学界の財源を大幅に補強する必要がある。。。

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Brookings: “Japan’s new security policies: a long road to full implementation”

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Pointing out the difficult road ahead is not meant to minimize the significance of the ambitions contained in Japan’s new national security and defense strategies, or to suggest achievement is unlikely. Rather, the intent is simply to highlight that despite the bold steps forward already taken by the Kishida Cabinet, there remain many unknowns about what will come next, and how bumpy the path forward is likely to be. One thing is certain: a lot of hard work — in both Tokyo and Washington — lies ahead.

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Wilson Center: “A “Taiwan Relations Act” for Japan?”

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In a provocatively titled article published earlier this month, Nikkei reported that “Japan lawmakers want ‘Taiwan Relations Act’ of their own.” The article, which was published in English and attracted attention from U.S.-based Asia policy experts, further suggested that a “2-plus-2 dialogue among the foreign and defense ministers of Japan and Taiwan” is being discussed in Tokyo.

Were Japan’s National Diet to actually pass legislation analogous to the landmark U.S.’ 1979 Taiwan Relations Act or to set up a Cabinet-level government-to-government “2-plus-2 dialogue,” it would be a groundbreaking and historic development in Japan-Taiwan relations. It is therefore no surprise the article attracted so much attention in Washington, D.C.

But neither seems likely to happen…at least not anytime soon or in the manner many may assume.

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Council on Foreign Relations: Japan & Article 9: “70 Years of Politically Shifting Goal Posts”

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In recent years a widespread narrative presents post-2012 changes to Japan’s security policy and Article Nine’s interpretation as fundamentally unprecedented and “All About Abe.” The reality, however, is that Japan’s security policy has been undergoing evolutionary, incremental reforms for decades—under both conservative and moderate Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) and opposition leaders. Practically significant, de facto change—albeit within remarkably “sticky” normative bounds so far—has occurred repeatedly in response to changing external threat perceptions and shifting domestic political winds.

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CSIS’ Asia Maritime Transparency Initiative: “Self-restraint” with Japanese Characteristics

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Desperately Seeking Statesmen

Japan’s self-restraint continues despite its refusal to acknowledge even the existence of a dispute. Ironically, and unfortunately, it is because Japan does not behave provocatively that its policy never makes headlines. Yet its constructive behavior demonstrates that even when a government claims territory “inherently,” acknowledges no dispute, and exercises effective administrative control, it still can choose self-restraint in the interest of regional stability. Meanwhile, Tokyo’s and Taipei’s initiatives demonstrate that when two are willing to hear the music, they can indeed tango.

As relevant parties search for a framework to manage South China Sea tensions, a consensus, binding definition of “self-restraint” faithful to the spirit of the 2002 DOC is the Holy Grail. The deck today seems stacked against it. Unconstructive activities driving changes to the status quo are unlikely to be reversed. Political will among relevant parties remains in doubt. Nevertheless, as observers naturally focus on tension and conflict, constructive alternatives must be proactively kept a part of the conversation.

That Japan’s decades-old policy of self-restraint is so often ignored is perhaps evidence that, at least until recently, it proved so effective.

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