The Pacific Review: “Beyond Territorial Defense: the U.S.-Japan and U.S.-ROK Alliances and a ‘Taiwan Strait Contingency'”

Since historic U.S.-Japan and U.S.-ROK joint statements in spring 2021 emphasizing ‘the importance of peace and stability in the Taiwan Strait,’, a possible conflict there has simultaneously surfaced in mainstream policy discourse in both Japan and the ROK—arguably for the first time. A series of public statements culminated two years later in the historic Camp David U.S.-Japan-Korea summit statement, which not only ‘reaffirm[ed] the importance of peace and stability across the Taiwan Strait as an indispensable element of security and prosperity in the international community’ but also called ‘for peaceful resolution of cross-Strait issues’. Remarkably, this occurred alongside an unprecedented ‘commitment… to consult trilaterally with each other, in an expeditious manner, to coordinate our responses to regional challenges, provocations, and threats that affect our collective interests and security’ (White House, Citation2023).

Beyond the headlines and high-profile public rhetoric suggesting symbolic solidarity regarding Taiwan and cross-Strait issues, however, several important questions have received far less analytical attention in both scholarship and public discourse than their real-world significance demands. Most important is the question of how the perspectives, policies, and priorities concerning Taiwan and the Taiwan Strait of the U.S.’ two most important ‘front-line’ allies differ. Though neither ally endorses Beijing’s claim of sovereignty over Taiwan and recent high-profile rhetoric calling for ‘cross-Strait peace and stability’ and ‘peaceful resolution’ suggests increasing strategic alignment generally, outstanding differences also deserve attention. Tokyo and Seoul continue to have unique priorities and perspectives when it comes to security and risks regarding Taiwan and the Taiwan Strait.

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Journal of Contemporary China: “Reassessing Seoul’s ‘One China’ Policy: South Korea-Taiwan ‘Unofficial’ Relations after 30 Years”

In 1992, Korea’s first democratically-elected government was clearly eager to normalize relations with Beijing. Nevertheless, it did not give in to pressure to recognize Beijing’s ‘One China principle’ as it concerns the essential claim that Taiwan is part of the PRC. Coupled with this study’s historically- grounded case study and comparative analysis with the similarly vague U.S. and Japanese official positions and other countries’ ever-evolving ‘One China’ policies, this reality demonstrates that Seoul’s relative reluctance to publicly express support for or significantly expand practical cooperation with Taiwan is best understood as due to a succession of ROK leaders’ subjective political judgments about what is in Korea’s national interest—not any putative commitment made to Beijing thirty years ago…

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